In the 2nd Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, held in Brussels and London during August 1903, Lenin and Julius Martov disagreed over the membership rules. Lenin wanted members "who recognise the Party Programme and support it by material means and by personal participation in one of the party's organisations." Julius Martov suggested "by regular personal assistance under the direction of one of the party's organisations." Lenin advocated limiting party membership to a smaller core of active members, as opposed to "card carriers" who might only be active in party branches from time to time or not at all. This active base would develop the cadre, a core of "professional revolutionaries", consisting of loyal communists who would spend most of their time organising the party toward a mass revolutionary party capable of leading a workers' revolution against the Tsarist autocracy.
A main source of the factions could be directly attributed to Lenin’s extreme stubbornness. It was obvious at early stages in Lenin’s revolutionary practices that he would not be willing to concede on any party policy that conflicted with his own predetermined ideas. It was the loyalty that he had to his own self envisioned utopia that caused the party split. He was seen even by fellow party members as being so narrow minded that he believed that there were only two types of people “Friend and enemy-those who followed him, and all the rest.” Leon Trotsky who was Lenin’s fellow revolutionists, though they had differing views as to how the revolution and party should be handled, compared Lenin in 1904 to the French revolutionists Robespierre. Lenin’s view of politics as verbal and ideological warfare and his inability to accept criticism even if it came from his own dedicated followers was the reason behind this accusation.
The root of the split was centered on a book that Lenin wrote while serving a sentence of exile titled What is to be Done? The book was published in 1902 in Germany and of course strict censorship in Russia prevented its legal publication and distribution. One of the main points presented in Lenin’s writing addressed that the revolution can only truly be achieved by the strong leadership of one person or a very select few over the masses. After the revolution resulted in a successful overthrow of the government this individual driving force must release power to allow socialism to fully encompass the nation. Lenin also believed that revolutionary leaders must fully dedicate their entire life to the cause in order to be successful. Lenin felt that if professional revolutionaries did not maintain control over the “workers” they would lose sight of the party’s objective and sell out to oppositionist’s beliefs or abandon the revolution entirely. This vision Lenin had of the socialists intelligentsia showed that he was not a complete supporter of the Marxist theory which also created some party unrest. For example Lenin agreed with the Marxist belief of eliminating social classes, but in his utopian society there would still be visible distinctions between those in politics and the common worker. Through moral disagreement to unfair worker treatment and loyalty to a completely classless society Lenin’s variations were met with internal party discontent. Although the party split of Bolsheviks and Mensheviks would not become official until 1903, the differences originally began to surface as early as 1902 with the publication of Lenin’s What is to be Done? Through the influence of the book Lenin also crushed another group of revolutionists known as “Economists.” The fundamental difference between Lenin and the economists was that they were pushing for economic reform while leaving the government somewhat intact, and they also failed to recognize the importance of uniting the working population with their cause.
Other than the debate between Lenin and Julius Martov; Lenin felt membership should require support of the Party program, financial contributions, and finally involvement in a Party organization whereas Martov didn’t see the need for joining Party organizations, internal unrest also rose over the structure that was best suited for Soviet power. As discussed in What Must be Done? Lenin firmly believed that a rigid political structure was needed to effectively initiate a formal revolution. This idea was met with opposition from his once close followers including; Julius Martov, Geogry Plekhanov, Leon Trotsky, and Pavel Axelrod. Geogry Plekhanov and Lenin’s major dispute arose addressing the topic of nationalizing land or leaving it for private use. Lenin wanted to nationalize to aid in collectivization. Plekhanov thought worker motivation would remain higher if individuals were able to maintain their own property. Those who opposed Lenin and wanted to continue on a Marxists path towards complete socialism and disagreed with his strict party membership guidelines became known as “softs” while Lenin supporters became known as “hards.”
The base of active and experienced members would be the recruiting ground for this professional core. Sympathizers would be left outside and the party would be organised based on the concept of democratic centralism. Martov, until then a close friend of Lenin, agreed with him that the core of the party should consist of professional revolutionaries, but argued that party membership should be open to sympathizers, revolutionary workers and other fellow travelers.
The two had disagreed on the issue as early as March–May 1903, but it was not until the Congress that their differences became irreconcilable and split the party. Although at first the disagreement appeared to be minor and inspired by personal conflicts, for example, Lenin's insistence on dropping less active editorial board members from Iskra or Martov's support for the Organizing Committee of the Congress which Lenin opposed, the differences quickly grew and the split became irreparable.
Origins of the name
The two factions were originally known as "hard" (Lenin's supporters) and "soft" (Martov's supporters). Soon, however, the terminology changed to "Bolsheviks" and "Mensheviks", from the Russian "bolshinstvo" (majority) and "menshinstvo" (minority). On the other hand, Martov's supporters won the vote concerning the question of party membership. Neither Lenin nor Martov had a firm majority throughout the Congress as delegates left or switched sides. At the end, the Congress was evenly split between the two factions.
The average party member was very young. In 1907, 22% of Bolsheviks were under 20, 37% were 20-24 and 16% were 25-29. By 1905, 62% of the members were industrial workers (3% of the population in 1897). 22% of Bolsheviks were gentry (1.7% of the total population), 38% were uprooted peasants, compared with 19% and 26% for the Mensheviks. In 1907 78.3% of the Bolsheviks were Russian and 10% were Jewish (34% and 20% for the Mensheviks). Total membership was 8,400 in 1905, 13,000 in 1906 and 46,100 by 1907 (8,400, 18,000, 38,200 respectively for the Mensheviks). By 1910 both factions together had fewer than 10,000 members.
Beginning of the 1905 Revolution (1903–1905)
The two factions were in a state of flux in 1903–04 with many members changing sides. The founder of Russian Marxism, Georgy Plekhanov, who was at first allied with Vladimir Lenin and the Bolsheviks, parted ways with them by 1904. Leon Trotsky at first supported the Mensheviks, but left them in September 1904 over their insistence on an alliance with Russian liberals and their opposition to a reconciliation with Lenin and the Bolsheviks. He remained a self-described "non-factional social democrat" until August 1917 when he joined Lenin and the Bolsheviks as their positions assembled and he came to believe that Lenin was right on the issue of the party.
All but one member of the Central Committee were arrested in Moscow in early 1905. The remaining member, with the power of appointing a new one, was won over by the Bolsheviks.
The lines between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks hardened in April 1905 when the Bolsheviks held a Bolsheviks-only meeting in London, which they called the Third Party Congress. The Mensheviks organised a rival conference and the split was thus formalised.
The Bolsheviks played a relatively minor role in the 1905 Revolution, and were a minority in the St. Petersburg Soviet of Workers' Deputies led by Trotsky. The less significant Moscow Soviet, however, was dominated by the Bolsheviks. These soviets became the model for those formed in 1917.
However, all factions retained their respective factional structure and the Bolsheviks formed the Bolshevik Centre, the de facto governing body of the Bolshevik faction within the RSDLP. At the Fifth Congress held in London in May 1907, the Bolsheviks were in the majority, but the two factions continued functioning mostly independently of each other.
Split between Lenin and Bogdanov (1908–1910)
Tensions had existed between Lenin and Bogdanov as early as 1904: Lenin had fallen out with Nikolai Valentinov, after the later had introduced him to Ernst Mach's Empiriocriticism, a viewpoint that Bogdanov had been exploring and developing as Empiriomonism. Having worked as co-editor with Plekhanov on Zayra he had come to agree with the latter's rejection of Bogdanov's Empiriomonism. With the defeat of the revolution in mid-1907 and the adoption of a new, highly restrictive election law, the Bolsheviks began debating whether to boycott the new parliament known as the Third Duma. Lenin, Grigory Zinoviev, Lev Kamenev and others argued for participating in the Duma while Alexander Bogdanov, Anatoly Lunacharsky, Mikhail Pokrovsky and others argued that the social democratic faction in the Duma should be recalled. The latter became known as recallists ("otzovists" in Russian). A smaller group within the Bolshevik faction demanded that the RSDLP central committee should give its sometimes unruly Duma faction an ultimatum, demanding complete subordination to all party decisions. This group became known as "ultimatists" and was generally allied with the recallists.
With most Bolshevik leaders either supporting Bogdanov or undecided by mid-1908 when the differences became irreconcilable, Lenin concentrated on undermining Bogdanov's reputation as a philosopher. In 1909 he published a scathing book of criticism entitled Materialism and Empiriocriticism (1909), assaulting Bogdanov's position and accusing him of philosophical idealism. In June 1909, Bogdanov proposed the formation of Party Schools as "Proletarian Universities" at a Bolshevik mini-conference in Paris organised by the editorial board of the Bolshevik magazine Proletary in June 1909. However this was not accepted and Lenin tried to expel him from the Bolshevik faction. Bogdanov was then involved with setting up Vpered, which ran the Capri Party School from August to December 1909.
Final attempt at party unity (1910)
With both Bolsheviks and Mensheviks weakened by splits within their ranks and by Tsarist repression, they were tempted to try to re-unite the party. In January 1910, Leninists, recallists and various Menshevik factions held a meeting of the party's Central Committee in Paris. Kamenev and Zinoviev were dubious about the idea, but were willing to give it a try under pressure from "conciliator" Bolsheviks like Victor Nogin.
One of the more underlying reasons that aided in preventing any reunification of the party was the Russian police. The police were able to infiltrate both parties’ inner circles by sending in spies who then reported on the opposing party’s intentions and hostilities. This allowed the tensions to remain high between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks. In turn it prevented them from uniting under common ground which could have possibly sped up the entire revolution.
Lenin was firmly opposed to any re-unification, but was outvoted within the Bolshevik leadership. The meeting reached a tentative agreement and one of its provisions made Trotsky's Vienna-based Pravda a party-financed 'central organ'. Kamenev, Trotsky's brother-in-law, was added to the editorial board from the Bolsheviks, but the unification attempts failed in August 1910 when Kamenev resigned from the board amid mutual recriminations.
The factions permanently broke off relations in January 1912 after the Bolsheviks organised a Bolsheviks-only Prague Party Conference and formally expelled Mensheviks and recallists from the party. As a result, they ceased to be a faction in the RSDLP and instead declared themselves an independent party, called Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (bolsheviks) - or RSDLP(b). Unofficially the Party has been referred to as the "Bolshevik Party". Throughout the century, the Party adopted a number of different names. In 1918, RSDLP(b) became (All-)Russian Communist Party (bolsheviks) and remained so until 1925. From 1925-52 the name was All-Union Communist Party (bolsheviks), and from 1952-1991 Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
As the party split became permanent and politically recognized in 1912 due to an all Bolshevik meeting of Congress further divisions became evident. One of the most notable differences was how each faction decided to fund its revolution. The Mensheviks decided to fund their revolution through membership dues while Lenin often resorted to much more drastic measures since he required a higher budget. One of the common methods the Bolsheviks used was committing bank robberies, one of which in 1907 resulted in the party gaining over 250,000 rubbles which is the equivalent of about $125,000. Bolsheviks were in constant need of money because Lenin practiced his beliefs exercised in his writings that revolutions must be led by individuals who devote their entire life to the cause. To compensate he awarded them with salaries for their sacrifice and dedication. This measure was taken to help ensure that the revolutionists stayed focused on their duties and motivated them to perform their jobs. Lenin also used the party money to print and copy pamphlets which were distributed in cities and at political rallies in attempts to expand their operations. This was an obvious difference between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks party beliefs. Both factions also managed to gain funds simply by receiving donations from wealthy supporters.
Further differences in party agendas became evident as the beginning of World War I loomed near. Stalin was especially eager for the start of the war, hoping that it would turn into a war between classes or essentially a Russian Civil War. This desire for war was fueled by Lenin’s vision that the workers and peasants would resist joining the war effort, and therefore be more compelled to join the socialist movement. Through the increase in support Russia would then be forced to withdraw from the Allied Powers in order to resolve her internal conflict. Unfortunately for the Bolsheviks, Lenin’s assumptions were incorrect and despite his and the party’s attempts to push for a civil war through involvement in two conferences in 1915 and 1916 in Switzerland the party remained in the minority in calling for the ceasefire by the Russian Army in World War I.
Although the Bolshevik leadership decided to form a separate party, convincing pro-Bolshevik workers within Russia to follow suit proved difficult. When the first meeting of the Fourth Duma was convened in late 1912, only one out of six Bolshevik deputies, Matvei Muranov, (another one, Roman Malinovsky, was later exposed as an Okhrana [Tsarist secret police] agent) voted to break away from the Menshevik faction within the Duma on 15 December 1912. The Bolshevik leadership eventually prevailed and the Bolsheviks formed their own Duma faction in September 1913.
One final difference between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks was simply how ferocious and tenacious the party was willing to be in order to achieve its goals. Lenin was open minded to retreating on political ideas if he saw the guarantee of long term gains benefiting the party. This practice was commonly seen trying to recruit peasants and uneducated workers by promising them how glorious life would be after the revolution. His approach was “land seizure for the peasants and national self-determination for the minorities- as nothing more than temporary concessions.”
In 1952, at the 19th Party Congress, according to Stalin's suggestion, the Bolshevik party was renamed the Communist Party of Soviet Union.
Derogatory usage of "Bolshevik"
"Down with Bolshevism. Bolshevism brings war and destruction, hunger and death", anti-Bolshevik propaganda, Germany, 1919.
"Bolo" was used as derogatory expression for Bolsheviks used by British service personnel in the North Russian Expeditionary Force which intervened against the Red Army during the Russian Civil War.Adolf Hitler, Joseph Goebbels and other Nazi leaders used it in reference to the worldwide political movement coordinated by the Comintern. During the days of the Cold War in the United Kingdom, labour union leaders and other leftists were sometimes derisively described as "Bolshies". The usage is roughly equivalent to the term "Commie", "Red" or "pinko" in the United States during the same period. The term "Bolshie" later became a slang term for anyone who was rebellious, aggressive or truculent.
Dictionaries define the word "Bolshevist" both as a synonym to "Bolshevik" and as an adherent of Bolshevik policies.
"Bolsheviki Seize State Buildings, Defying Kerensky". New York Times. 7 November 1917. Retrieved 22 December 2013.
Derived from men'shinstvo, "minority", which comes from men'she, "less". The split occurred at the Second Party Congress in 1903.
Suny, Ronald Grigor (1998). The Soviet Experiment. London: Oxford University Press. p. 57. ISBN 978-0-19-508105-3.
After the split, the Bolshevik party was designated as RSDLP(b) (Russian: РСДРП(б)), where "b" stands for "Bolsheviks". Shortly after coming to power in November 1917 the party changed its name to the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) (РКП(б)) and was generally known as the Communist Party after that point, however, it was not until 1952 that the party formally dropped the word "Bolshevik" from its name. (See Congress of the CPSU article for the timeline of name changes.)
Robert Service, Lenin a biography, p. 154.
Pipes, Richard (1995). A concise History of the Russian Revolution. New York. p. 104. ISBN 978-0-679-42277-8.
Pipes, Richard (1995). A Concise History of the Russian Revolution. New York: Knopf. p. 104. ISBN 978-0-679-42277-8.
^ Pipes, Richard (1995). A Concise History of the Russian Revolution. New York: Knopf. p. 106. ISBN 978-0-679-42277-8.
FORMATION OF THE RUSSIAN SOCIAL-DEMOCRATIC LABOUR PARTY. APPEARANCE OF THE BOLSHEVIK AND THE MENSHEVIK GROUPS WITHIN THE PARTY. New York: International Publishers. 1939.
FORMATION OF THE RUSSIAN SOCIAL-DEMOCRATIC LABOUR PARTY. APPEARANCE OF THE BOLSHEVIK AND THE MENSHEVIK GROUPS WITHIN THE PARTY. New York: International Publisher. 1939.
Tucker, Robert (1975). The Lenin Anthology. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-09236-3.
Tucker, Robert (1975). The Lenin Anthology. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. p. intro xxxviii. ISBN 978-0-393-09236-3.
See Israel Getzler. Martov: A Political Biography of a Russian Social Democrat, Cambridge University Press, 2003 (first edition 1967), ISBN 0-521-52602-7 p.78
Wilson, Edmund (1977). To the Finland Station. London: Fontana. p. 402. ISBN 0-00-632420-7.
See Étienne Antonelli, Bolshevik Russia, A.A. Knopf, 1920, tr. by Charles A. Carroll, 307pp.: "the term "Maximalist" rather widely used as a translation for "Bolshevik" is historically false." (p.59)
Abraham Ascher, The Revolution of 1905, p. 4.
Tony Cliff, Lenin and the Revolutionary Party, p. 37.
Richard Pipes, The Russian Revolution, pp. 364-5.
Tim McDaniel, Autocracy, capitalism, and revolution in Russia, p. 246.
Biggart, John (1989). Alexander Bogdanov, left-Bolshevism and the Proletkult 1904-1932. Norwich: University of East Angla. ASIN B001ON1IY4.
First published in Moscow in May 1909 by Zveno Publishers, available online.
See Alan Woods. Bolshevism: The Road to Revolution, Wellred Publications, 1999, ISBN 1-900007-05-3 Part Three: The Period of Reaction available online.
English language excerpts from the resolution are quoted in A Documentary History of Communism in Russia, ed. Robert V. Daniels, UPNE, 1993, ISBN 0-87451-616-1 p. 33.
Marot, John Eric (July 1990). "Alexander Bogdanov, Vpered, and the Role of the Intellectual in the Workers' Movement". Russian Review (Blackwell Publishing) 49 (3 (Special Issue on Alexander Bogdanov)): 241–264. JSTOR 130152.
Pipes, Richard (1995). A Concise History of the Russian Revolution. New York: Knopf. p. 109. ISBN 978-0-679-42277-8.
^ Pipes, Richard (1995). A Concise History of the Russian Revolution. New York: Knopf. p. 108. ISBN 978-0-679-42277-8.
^ Pipes, Richard (1995). A Concise History of the Russian Revolution. New York: Knopf. p. 111. ISBN 978-0-679-42277-8.
Robert B. McKean, St. Petersburg Between the Revolutions: workers and revolutionaries, June 1907-February 1917, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1990, pp. 140-1.
North Russian Expeditionary Force 1919, Scrapbook Diary, Photographs, Mementoes accessed 14 June 2012